Do You Realize How Far Trump’s Religion Speech Went?

Donald Trump gave his first commencement speech as president last weekend. The venue was Liberty University, the Virginia school founded by fundamentalist preacher Jerry Falwell. Trump let his conservative Christian audience know that he appreciates their support and is working for them — much to the detriment of secularism in America. My latest Psychology Today piece, here.

Interview: San Francisco Review of Books

I recently discussed several issues relating to secularism with Joseph Ford Cotto of the San Francisco Review of Books. The first installment of the exchange is at this link.

Landmark Secular Resolution Passed at DNC

Resolution to post

Here’s something that flew under the radar of the press last week at the Democratic National Convention in Philadelphia. The above resolution, making quite a statement about religion and politics while recognizing the value and importance of the nonreligious demographic, was passed at the DNC by the LGBT Caucus of the Democratic Party. This is a real milestone for the growing secular demographic and movement, to be formally recognized in a major political setting (rather than shunned, as has typically been the case for seculars in politics).

New Event: AU Religious Liberty Dinner

New event: On June 2 I’ll be speaking at the Annual Religious Liberty Dinner of the Massachusetts Chapter of Americans United for Separation of Church and State. Two other authors, Rob Boston and Katherine Stewart, will be on the program as well. Both Rob and Katherine are strong advocates for secular government. Rob serves as AU’s communications director and is a leading spokesperson on church-state issues. His latest book, Taking Liberties: Why Religious Freedom Doesn’t Give You the Right To Tell Other People What To Do, is directly relevant to the debates today over whether claims of “religious freedom” should give people the right to ignore laws that offend their religious beliefs. Katherine’s book, The Good News Club: The Christian Right’s Stealth Assault on America’s Children, is an excellent, eye-opening overview of how the Religious Right is attacking public education in order to assert a fundamentalist Christian worldview in American society. The book is very well researched and shows that the problem of religion in public schools is far worse than you may have realized.

This will be a fun night, and if you’re in the Boston area I hope you can make it. It’s at the Marriott Copley, 110 Huntington Avenue, Boston. A cash bar reception starts at 5:30, dinner at 6:30, with the program starting at 7:30. Details here.


Why Patriotism Won’t Heal a Divided America

Conservative columnist David Brooks, lamenting the “weakening of the social fabric” in modern society, has called for a renewed appreciation of our interconnectedness, telling readers that Americans should work on “widening their circles of attachment across income, social and racial divides.”

Admirable goals, to be sure, and Brooks gushes as he expands on the idea. He envisions America as a country of brotherhood and sisterhood where relationships throughout society, across the gamut of demographic sectors, are redefined for the purpose of “strengthening social solidarity.”

“The social fabric will be repaired by hundreds of millions of people making local covenants,” Brooks writes. This idea of “covenants” is key, he explains, as it reflects a newfound connection causing otherwise disparate peoples to “understand they are part of one another.”

Such high-minded rhetoric isn’t particularly controversial—few would question the noble goal of building a greater sense of togetherness between people—but it also should be properly understood as an expression of ideals, not real solutions. In fact, though liberals are often criticized as being unrealistic dreamers, the label aptly fits the conservative Brooks here, as he neglects to provide even a remotely plausible strategy for attaining the solidarity that he describes.

Closer consideration reveals the true incongruity of Brooks’s grand vision. As large masses of individuals struggle to exist on poverty wages, for example, are they expected to somehow feel a “circle of attachment” with the middle and upper management of the multinational corporation for which the toil? And shame of the young woman who feels resentment, rather than amicable kinship, toward the judgmental religious fundamentalists who obstruct her access to reproductive care. Ditto for the African-American convict who doesn’t feel affinity toward police and others who steered him toward a prison-industrial complex that demoralizes him. And that gay couple that doesn’t embrace the politicians who insist on bestowing second-class citizenship on them? Hey folks, you’ve got covenants, did you forget?

Brooks is unable to explain how any broad sense of togetherness might be attained within a society as deeply divided as ours, but when he tries to do so he gravitates to conservative assumptions that reveal the bankruptcy of his vision. One prescription he suggests, for example, is to “revive patriotism” and “offer an updated love of America” in order to bring us closer as a society.

The conclusion that patriotism can save America is perhaps predictable coming from a conservative, but is nevertheless incredibly naïve. Considering that large segments of the population—not just of this country, but of the world—feel that American patriotism has reached irrational and dangerous levels, there’s little chance that this will be the common ground that unites us.

Brooks, being a level-headed New York Times columnist, would no doubt insist that his definition of “reviving patriotism” is benevolent, not necessarily nationalistic and militaristic—none of those unseemly “greatest-nation-in-the-history-of-the-world” mantras here, but instead a healthy, enriching patriotism to bring out the best in everyone. In an effort to make just such an argument, Brooks even quotes a liberal, Senator Corey Booker, who defines patriotism in grandiose terms as “love of country, which necessitates love of each other, that we have to be a nation that aspires for love, which recognizes that you have worth and dignity and I need you. You are part of my whole, part of the promise of this country.”

Again, this is beautiful and elegant language, but it’s an ideal and not a reality. Asked to define patriotism, relatively few Americans would choose such inclusive language. Look no further than contemporary political events, where notions of patriotism are of course prominent, and one frequently sees exclusion as a defining characteristic, with people of color and religious minorities targeted for mistreatment.

If  we are to utilize patriotism to “widen our circle of attachment” as Brooks suggests, then it would seem that, at a minimum, the language of patriotism should be as inclusive as possible. Instead, however, America since the 1950s has chosen to utilize highly religious language to define patriotism, especially for children. Each day students from coast to coast perform a flag-salute exercise that tells them the nation is “under God,” words added to the Pledge of Allegiance in 1954. Around the same time, the term “In God We Trust” was made the national motto. In recent years, thanks to religious conservatives who are relentless in promoting their beliefs in the public arena, we now see “In God We Trust” wording being erected on public buildings and pasted onto police cruisers all over the country.

Suffice it to say that this is hardly the path to harmonious social relations in our diverse land.

Like Brooks, progressives are capable of having optimistic visions of a better, more unified country. But our vision is accompanied by the knowledge that such togetherness cannot be attained via hopeful rhetoric that amounts to little more than saying, “Can’t we all just get along?” Even optimists must concede that this country is currently bitterly divided, that it’s due to numerous factors—anti-intellectualism, economic insecurity, racism, sexism, and many others—and that significant change will not come easily.

Real healing will require the assertion of humanistic values that actually exalt our common humanity and encourage a society that works cooperatively and fairly. And it certainly won’t come, as Brooks suggests, through happy talk.

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Latest book: Fighting Back the Right: Reclaiming America from the Attack on Reason

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Photo by Elvert Barnes


From Muslim to Nonbeliever

In my latest piece for Psychology Today I interview Muhammad Syed, founder of Ex-Muslims of North America. Americans tend to think of the secular movement as being inhabited by those who come from Christian or Jewish backgrounds, but Muslims are very much part of the mix as well, as the rapid growth of EXMNA shows. Ex-Muslims have their own unique histories and challenges, which Syed discusses with me. He’s a very interesting guy involved in a vitally important aspect of modern secularism. The full story is here.

Secularism 2016 in Worcester, MA

I’ll be visiting Greater Worcester Humanists, the American Humanist Association chapter in Worcester, Mass., on Tuesday night, January 12, 2016, at 7 p.m. for a talk entitled “Secularism 2016.”  More details can be found here on Meetup.

New Event: Suffolk Law in October

I’ll be visiting Suffolk University in Boston in October as a guest speaker of the law school’s Secular Legal Society. The event will take place at the law school (120 Tremont Street) and is scheduled for Wednesday, October 7, at 6:30 p.m. I’ll be speaking about secularism and the law.

How to Pray for an Atheist

Here’s my latest article from my Psychology Today blog, Our Humanity, Naturally. The article is called How to Pray for an Atheist.  As always, comments and feedback are welcome (at least when it’s reasonably civil!)